The second position was developed within the framework of the constructivist theoedisation of European integration. It starts from the observation that socialization is important, because ideas and identity constructs become consensual when actors internalize them in depth, perceive them as their own and take them for granted (Marcussen et al. 1999, p. 617, see also Finnemore and Sikkink 1998, cracks and Viennese in 1999). This study shows that the UK`s national interest has created a context of identity options that does not allow the government to easily opt for European standards. In other words, this research has shown that Europe is still seen as the other Great Britain (Marcussen et al. 1999, p. 625). The chosen policy proposes an identity that does not resonate with the majority of recipients. Due to the slow evolution of the national interest, which is the main factor in the formation of public opinion, Blair`s new government cannot simply intervene and change its policy towards the EU. This situation severely limits the identity options available to the United Kingdom as a potential Schengen Member State. Vatican City has an open border with Italy.
In 2006, it expressed interest in joining the Schengen Agreements with a view to closer cooperation on the exchange of information and similar activities under the Schengen Information System.  Exceptionally, Italy allowed people to visit Vatican City without being accepted for an Italian visa, and then to be escorted by police between the airport and the Vatican or by helicopter. [Citation required] However, there is no customs union (including customs) between Italy and the Vatican, so all vehicles are controlled at the Vatican`s borders. While it has not been convincingly demonstrated that there is no common standard for European integration, that intergovernmentalism is back and that there is therefore a strong national interest in maintaining control of national borders, the strong structural incentives suggest that the British opt-out regime remains a mystery. While it has indeed been argued that the intergovernmental conferences in Maastricht (1990-1991) and Amsterdam are signs of a return to the dangers of intergovernmentalism in the EU, this document shows that the British `no` to Schengen surprisingly promotes European integration by forging flexibility. Opposition to signature as a member state has led to an opening of constitutional policy. Since June 2017, ten urban transport agreements have come into force. In 1999, the United Kingdom formally requested participation in certain provisions of the Schengen acquis – Title III on police security and judicial cooperation – in 1999, and this request was adopted by the Council of the European Union on 29 May 2000.
 The UK`s formal participation in previously approved areas of cooperation was brought into effect by a 2004 Council decision that came into force on 1 January 2005.  Although the United Kingdom was not part of the Schengen area, it has always used the Schengen information system, a government database used by European countries to store and disseminate information on individuals and goods. This has allowed the UK to exchange information with countries that are part of the Schengen Agreement, often to connect to legal proceedings.  In 2020, the United Kingdom has declared that it will withdraw from these agreements at the end of its transition period. The Schengen countries are the European countries that have signed the Schengen Agreement. These countries work at internal borders without controls, allowing free movement between participating countries.